Out of it
 
 

Our second play 'Out of it' deals with a gay boy growing up in a conservative, working class family with parental nostalgia about imagined past certainties feeding into resentment about present realities. All within a contemporary situation of a growing moral backlash against permissiveness and the rise of racism and fascism.

 
 

By the time we had got round to our second production we had changed our name to Gay Liberation South London Theatre Group. The word 'Front' had been dropped because, so the argument went, it sounded too authoritarian or fascistic as in National Front to be included in our name.



This production was much more sophisticated and varied in terms of structure and themes and clearly responsive to wider currents of a more public and explicit opposition to gay people. "Out of It” attempted to expose gay oppression expressed through different ideologies - political, religious, medical and familial - while at the same time attempting to show the motivating factors behind the desire for order and discipline that became so easily exploited by right-wing, fascist organisations.


(L-R) Terry Stuart as Father, and Edwin Henshaw as Mother

The rise of the fascist National Front and the more shadowy British Movement and various clandestine "combat" groups made the seventies a time of increased racial, anti-communist and anti-gay violence. Under the umbrella of the Anti-Nazi League, which included various Left and liberal groups, confrontation with the National Front culminated in the battle of Deptford High Street, Lewisham (1977). The National Front, in keeping with its usual policy, had decided to march through a ‘racially sensitive’ area in a deliberate attempt to torment violence. It did and on that occasion the fascists were routed in spite of a protective police escort and cordons dividing and forcing the demonstrators back into ‘contained’ spaces that we nowadays know as ‘kettling’.

The National Front's approach to homosexuality was a slippery mixture of a pretence at democratic consultation by the chairman John Tyndall and violent attacks against gay pubs, clubs and public meetings. Tyndall, no doubt prompted by the National Front's activities organiser Martin Webster, a homosexual, would throw open a fake consultation in "National Front News" as to whether homosexuality should be condemned or remain a matter of private morality. It didn't save Webster who was eventually expelled from the NF because of his homosexuality. Meanwhile the various "combat" sections would busy themselves by smashing up gay social venues and political gatherings.

Between I975 and 1979 there was at least nine such attacks and probably others that went unreported including attacks on individual gay people.

An attempt was made to run down Sue Wakeling the electoral agent for the South London Gay Liberation Front candidate in the October 1974 general election. This incident and the attack on the gay centre by the 'mad axe man' led to a unconfirmed suspicion that this was fascist activity. A National Front member joined Gay Switchboard only served to muddy the waters and sow confusion as far as an understanding of fascist attitudes towards homosexuality were concerned. However, in other spheres of activity, especially in trades unions and tenants associations, it became clear that fascist infiltration of those organisations was designed to foster racism and a nationalist outlook and to gather information on political activists in order to oust them and take over their positions.

(L-R) Stephen Gee as Straight Brother, Alastair Kerr as Boy, and Edwin Henshaw as Mother


In 1975 a meeting in Crawley called by CHE to introduce an educational kit into local schools was attacked. National Front "heavies" took over the platform with one placard proclaiming "Keep queers out of our school". In order to justify the NF position their parliamentary candidate for Horsham and Crawley described homosexuality as a "disease" and something that would "infect children”. Later the Crawley NF chairman responding to the CHE proposal to set up a group was quoted in the Brighton "Evening Argus" as saying:

"We will do everything in our power to see that his centre does not come into existence“

(12/12/75).


Again in London between 1976 and 1978 there were a number of attacks on gay places and public meetings by local youths and fascist gangs. In 1976 the North London Gay Centre in Finsbury Park and the East London Gay Centre on Redmans Road, Stepney were repeatedly attacked and had everything thrown at them from scaffolding poles to large lumps of concrete. One North London Gay Centre contact who had infiltrated the British Movement told of their modus operandi. They would simply hand out drinks to youths in local pubs as a bribe and get them to come along to attack the centre. The contentious issue of homosexuals living in the neighbourhood made the centres an easy target.


In September 1977 a public meeting at the Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, called by the Paedophile Information Exchange to debate issues around sexual and emotional relationships between adults and children was picketed by hostile forces after a hysterical press campaign against PIE. Allegedly made up of angry housewives and mothers from Leytonstone it soon became clear that the whole thing had been orchestrated by the National Front with union jack badges and banners in evidence. Taking a cue from gutter-press headlines one banner proclaimed: "Human Beings Against Paedo-viles". Organised like a military operation NF thugs fanned out into side streets to stop and question those leaving the building. Anyone suspected of coming from the PIE meeting was kicked and beaten. Others were chased and severely beaten with the police initially reluctant to intervene until things became so bad that they had to.

(L-R) Alastair as Ross McTwitter and Terry Stuart as Father



The Royal Vauxhall Tavern in Lambeth, one of London‘s oldest and best known drag pubs, was attacked on the Saturday night of 27 January 1978 by between sixteen and twenty men wearing National Front union jack badges. They waited until closing time before going "berserk". Everything got smashed up including the optics and one of the last two remaining customers was struck in the face by a heavy water bottle. The men left their calling card by plastering the pub with NF Stickers.


In I977 and 1978 there were a number of assaults against gay buildings and people in Leeds. The Leeds Gay Centre had its windows smashed on several occasions and later a letter threatening further action was sent to a local community newspaper. The National Front claimed responsibility and soon after the Gay Centre had to close because of a serious fire. In June 1978 the Gay Liberation group was attacked once again in the “Fenton Arms" a student pub near the University. Over a dozen young men wearing NF badges entered the premises and assaulted the people drinking there. A young man not connected with the gay group was blinded and a woman was injured.


In 1979 following the closure by police of five gay clubs in Brighton for allegedly infringing the licensing laws and the arrest within a two week period of titty gay people a meeting set up by CHE and Sussex University Gay Society to show the film “Word Is Out” was viciously attacked by the National Front. Eight people were assaulted and two had to be taken to hospital with their injuries. A picket of the "Evening Argus " and a massive phone-in, encouraged by Brighton Gay Activist Alliance, forced a partial retraction of the papers coverage which virtually agreed with the fascist point of view and fomented the attacks. The paper also agreed to publish a reply by local gay groups.


The fascist attitude to women in society was designed to enforce conformity to ‘family values‘ embodied in the ‘cherished feminine role‘ of housewife, mother and homemaker. Viewing the family as the prop of national stability and sounding warnings of the dire consequences accompanying the breakdown of family life the attack against ‘liberal’ values of equality came on several fronts.


The National Front wished to reintroduce the stigma of illegitimacy to children of single-parent families. Sexual activity for them was a matter of procreation and nothing else (at least for women) and unmarried mothers were to carry the full brunt of society's contempt for destabilising family life and by implication disrupting national cohesion.



Contraception and abortion were anathema to fascist thinking. What they adopted was a ‘pro-natalist‘ policy. The economics of parenthood and child welfare schemes for them should be designed to promote the raising of large families rather than ‘family planning‘ race and nation out of existence. ‘Freedom of choice‘ for women was not consistent with national survival and expansion.


Fascist ideology was not beyond delving into ‘primitive mysticism‘ and metaphysical explanations for the role of woman in society as Earth Mother to Man's Sky Father:

“... Man the idealist puts woman in a state of material dependence. But woman the materialist returns the favour by placing man in a state of spiritual dependence“

(SPEARHEAD, January 1973).


It is hardly surprising under such circumstances that lesbians were simply seen as traitors to womanhood because they put their own perverted pleasures in place of producing a family. Apart from execration in the pronouncements of various fascist publications and from individuals within fascist organisations lesbians were physically assaulted and verbally abused in the attacks already mentioned. Women who did not ‘look right‘ in the sense of not conforming to social stereotypes of womanly appearance were assumed to be lesbians and were also attacked. (sources: GAYS AND FASCISM workshop, NUS gay rights conference, Sheffield, 26 October 1974. Morning Star, April 1979? Anti-Fascist Handbook, London GAA, 1979.)

(L-R) Terry Stewart as Father, and Edwin Henshaw as Mother


The most strident religious attacks on homosexuality came from individual evangelists and the Nationwide Festival of Light, an agglomeration of different christian groups brought together for the purpose of bringing about a resurgence of christian values in what was perceived by them as a society disintegrating through the effects of permissiveness and moral decline. This ‘moral rearmament' movement, in which Mary Whitehouse who was later to prosecute Gay News played an important part, was quickly judged by various Gay commentators to be actively promoting a right-wing ideology consistent with the views of fascist groups. Viewed as a kind of moral wing of fascism, intentional or not, the movement had to be vigorously opposed. In one of their earlier leaflets designed to drum up attendance at a NFoL mass rally in Trafalgar Square on 25 September 1971 the message appeals to the desire for a cleaner environment:

"Wouldn't it be a wonderful world if seabirds didn't get oiled up, whales didn't face extinction, water was pure and the air everywhere as good as in the Swiss Alps‘?

The fight to get the seas clean, the land safe and the air pure, is international. The USA had an Earth Day when people demanded that creation should have the right to live - not die. Our country spends the same fortune on the battle against pollution.

Supposing people respected each other as people; that truth, purity, love and family-life weren't just treated as old-hat but encouraged in films, print and television. That sex was for love and caring, not exploitation and selling, not hate and hurting, and that violence was treated as offensive. In other words that we won the battle against MORAL POLLUTION.”

Believing that moral rather than environmental pollution constituted the greater danger to society's health the N'FoL demanded from Government stricter censorship laws to regulate the mass media's output of material judged to ‘offend against public decency‘ or ‘incite to crime and disorder.‘ A parents right to determine the contents of sex education lessons was also stressed thus strengthening the assumed link between sex and violence as the chief moral pollutants to be confronted head on.

(L-R) Terry Stewart as Father, and Edwin Henshaw as Mother


The militancy of the NFoL‘s approach belied the composition of its membership. Middle class respectability seldom expressed itself in such an organised and vociferous way. The outcry against commercial exploitation of sex and violence (perceived as human weaknesses) for profitable gain even allowed for a facade of pseudo-socialist rhetoric. But the sanctity of marriage and the family, and the dangers of divorce and promiscuity, all figured prominently in the NFoL's ideology in an attempt to create a culture of self-discipline and restraint in conformity to christian values. The point was not lost on fascist fellow travellers who made some inroads into the movement.








But the N'FoL did not just blow hot air. As a highly organised lobby group the insistence was upon deeds not just words. The ‘Action Group’ leaflet titled hysterically "EVIL TRIUMPHS WHEN GOOD MEN DO NOTHING (THE PRICE OF FREEDOM IS ETERNAL VIGILANCE)", quoted various public figures, even humanists, on the need for a change in moral attitudes. Apocryphal warnings were given of the greatest danger since 1940 engulfing the nation and extraordinary statements were made such as:

"We are now in the numb state the Germans were in when jews began to disappear - it was "not done" to notice or protest."

Apart from exhortations to lobby Whitehall and local MPs and to work through local political parties and trades unions there was a more sinister touch to NFoL activities. Members were given instructions on how to become police informants against local newsagents selling pornography and how to use the Local Authorities as ‘legal censors‘ to get undesirable films withdrawn from cinemas. ‘Industrial strife‘ was also included as one of the evils to be combated. Citing rises in illegitimacy, divorce, venereal disease and abortion the urgency to act now to reverse the tidal wave of permissiveness was insisted upon. But how successful were they in mobilising support‘?


According to the NFoL action leaflet at the rally in 1971, 4,000 gathered at the inaugural meeting in London, with marches and rallies in Cardiff (3,000), Glasgow (4,000), Manchester (25,000) and many other towns accompanied by ‘hundreds of thousands’ attending the lighting of 300 beacons. In the same leaflet it was stated that a petition for public decency with 1,500,000 signatures was presented to l0 Downing street on April 17, 1973. Even allowing for propagandist exaggeration the mobilisation of the respectable middle class was a feat in itself and the effect gained through reinforcing the need to tum back liberal 'permissiveness‘ helped to create a more reactionary climate of censoriousness by insisting on a return to traditional values. Later, in the 1980s, as the leading light in the National Viewers‘ and Listeners‘ Association, Mary Whitehouse no longer had to lobby hard as part of an extra-parliamentary pressure group. She was invited to share the same platform as Margaret Thatcher. The years of mass rallies and lobbying had paid off with a right-wing government attempting to enforce a return to older ‘Victorian’ moral values. Tightening up discipline and order through repressive government legislation, the promotion of traditional family life against threats from the demand for LGBT+ rights among others and the shackling of trades unions had moved to centre stage in politics.

(L-R) Stephen Gee as Straight Brother, Alistair Kerr as Boy, and Edwin Henshaw as Mother

What was the NFoL’s and NVLA’s official attitude to homosexuality? Anita Bryant’s conviction that God created Adam and Eve not Adam and Steve was no doubt heeded but the ingrained Christian view was to ‘Love the sinner but not the sin’ as though being gay was a polluted part of an individuals life that should be excised through prayer, repentance and abstinence. Engaging in homosexual acts is sinful but with careful shepherding moral turpitude and the decline of society's well-being could be avoided. Nowadays this translates into the obscenity of ‘conversion therapy.’

Psychiatry shifted the locus away from sinfulness, criminality and degeneracy to a sickness that needs to be cured. However cranky or even plausible psychological theories were about the nature of homosexuality they always provided useful justifications for repression. This medical model of sickness rather than a scriptural denunciation of sinfulness or social disapproval through legal means was reached through pseudo-scientfic evaluations of sexuality and an unquestioning acceptance by the psychiatric establishment of the status quo as far as social attitudes to homosexuality were concerned. The emphasis was on either adjusting the patient to their unfortunate condition, thus providing a more ‘integrated’ personality, or attempting a cure for homosexuality through aversion therapy using electric shock treatment, hormone treatment or nausea inducing drugs. Those approaches confirmed the fact that homosexuality was an abnormal deviation from the heterosexual norm and as such was fair game for the ‘readjustment of maladaptive responses to the environment‘ gobbledegook. This kind of justification for psychiatric intervention, used mostly to explain the disintegrated and distressed state of people afflicted by schizophrenia and other ‘psychotic’ disorders was also used to explain the reasons why homosexuality was a suitable case for treatment. In the absence of any positive expressions of support for and pride in being gay many isolated homosexuals turned to the medical profession for help.

The difficulty of growing up gay in a society being endlessly fed bigoted attitudes to anything ‘different’, including homosexuality, often led to gay children unconsciously evolving strategies of avoidance and refusal in avoiding unbearable living situations. By not adopting the aggressive competitiveness and macho attitudes required of other male children their behaviour was seen as ‘odd’ and ‘queer’. Depression and paranoia, as a result of the inability to find positive social confirmation of homosexual feelings, oflen led to familial estrangement and alienation and the consequences of this ‘defiance’ would end in a breakdown in relationships and an inevitable ostracising of the gay child(ren). All of these themes are dealt with in "Out of It" in an attempt to show the interconnectedness of different sources of oppression with a final scene depicting the small but growing influence of the gay liberation movement in challenging that oppression.

(L-R) Terry Stewart as Father, Edwin Henshaw as Mother, Stephen Gee as Straight Brother, and Ian Townson as Gay Brother

This marked the end of the play but it was felt that it was was too bleak and negative with no hint of any kind of fightback against oppression. Two additional scenes were written to complete the play taking into account the small but growing influence of Gay Liberationists. It's a scrappy ending with the GLF characters acting like the Salvation Army meeting gay men in bars and saving their souls from loneliness and isolation. The onetime hostile bars had become marginally more friendly to people wearing gay badges though it is pointed out that this was more about drumming up trade through encouraging "the tourists to come and gawk at the queers" thus throwing in a quick political point for good measure. Two gay liberationists spot a lonely gay men, almost like an endangered species in need of rescue, and their chatter merges with the babble of conversation at the bar as the lights fade out.

The play was staged at several venues but the most memorable one was the Communist Party's second Red Festival held at Ladbroke house, Highbury Grove, on the 22 October 1977. Here several extracts from "Out of It" were performed in front of the Young Communist League among others. They thought that the antifascist aspects of the play were excellent but, according to Bill Thornycroft, they could not handle gay men embracing and kissing!